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CBSE

Subject

Reading Passage and Comprehension

Multiple Choice Questions

1.  

A passage is given with a question following it. Read the passage carefully and choose the best answer to each question out of the four alternatives.

But before I could be inspired by these amazing people, I had to cleanse my feed. I know my weaknesses: just last week, Facebook memories reminded me of a pizza party I'd had two years ago and I ended up ordering a chicken dominator, with garlic breadsticks and a jalapeno cheese dip. So much for Day One of Couch to 5K training. I stayed right on that couch. So far I've unfollowed Buzzfeed Tasty, TasteMade (even their adorable Tiny Kitchen) and several people who have the enviable advantage of being able to eat as much as they want and not put on weight. By my calculations, dark chocolate is healthy, so I'm still following Earth Loaf, Pascati and Mason & Co.

When I finally found a gym I liked, with the best trainers I have had, I unabashedly shared my workouts every day. From shying away from full-length pictures, I reached a point where I could share videos of myself deadlifting and doing back squats with a barbell across my shoulders. It gave me accountability: I challenged myself to go to the gym for 30 classes straight, and I did it. Which reminds me, it's time to start a new challenge.

What weight loss program has the writer enrolled in?



    2.  

    The work which Gandhiji had taken up was not only regarding the achievement of political freedom but also the establishment of a new social order based on truth and non-violence, unity and peace, equality and universal brotherhood and maximum freedom for all. This unfinished part of his experiment was perhaps even more difficult to achieve than the achievement of political freedom. In the political struggle, the fight was against a foreign power and all one could do was either join it or wish it success and give it his/her moral support. In establishing a social order on this pattern, there was a strong possibility of a conflict arising between diverse groups and classes of our own people. Experience shows that man values his possessions even more than his life because in the former he sees the means for perpetuation and survival of his descendants even after his body is reduced to ashes. A new order cannot be established without radically changing the mind and attitude of men towards property and, at some stage or the other, the 'haves' have to yield place to the 'have-nots'. We have seen, in our time, attempts to achieve a kind of egalitarian society and the picture of it after it was achieved. But this was done, by and large, through the use of physical force.
    In the ultimate analysis it is difficult, if not impossible, to say that the instinct to possess has been rooted out or that it will not reappear in an even worse form under a different guise. It may even be that, like a gas kept confined within containers under great pressure, or water held back by a big dam, once the barrier breaks, the reaction will one day sweep back with a violence equal in extent and intensity to what was used to establish and maintain the outward egalitarian form.
    This enforced egalitarianism contains, in its bosom, the seed of its own destruction. The root cause of class conflict is possessiveness or the acquisitive instinct. So long as the ideal that is to be achieved is one of securing the maximum material satisfaction, possessiveness is neither suppressed nor eliminated but grows on what it feeds. Nor does it cease to be possessiveness, whether it is confined to only a few or is shared by many.
    If egalitarianism is to endure, it has to be based not on the possession of the maximum material goods by a few or by all but on voluntary, enlightened renunciation of those goods which cannot be shared by others or can be enjoyed only at the expense of others. This calls for substitution of material values by purely spiritual ones. The paradise of material satisfaction, which is sometimes equated with progress these days, neither spells peace nor progress. Mahatma Gandhi has shown us how the acquisitive instinct inherent in man can be transmuted by the adoption of the ideal of trusteeship by those who 'have' for the benefit of all those who 'have not' so that, instead of leading to exploitation and conflict, it would become a means and incentive for the amelioration and progress of society respectively

     Which of the following conclusions can be deduced from the passage?



      3.  

      The World Trade Organisation (WTO) was created in the early 1990s as a component of
      the Uruguay Round negotiation. However, it could have been negotiated as part of the
      Tokyo Round of the 1970s, since negotiation was an attempt at a ‘constitutional reform’
      of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Or it could have been put off to
      the future, as the US government wanted. What factors led to the creation of the WTO in
      the early 1990s? One factor was the pattern of multilateral bargaining that developed late
      in the Uruguay Round. Like all complex international agreements, the WTO was a
      product of a series of trade-offs between principal actors and groups. For the United
      States, which did not want a new organization, the disputed settlement part of the WTO
      package achieved its longstanding goal of a more effective and more legal dispute
      settlement system. For the Europeans, who by the 1990s had come to view GATT
      dispute settlement less in political terms add more as a regime of legal obligations, the
      WTO package was acceptable as a means to discipline the resort to unilateral measures
      by the United States. Countries like Canada and other middle and smaller trading
      partners were attracted by the expansion of a rule-based system and by the symbolic
      value of a trade organization, both of which inherently support the weak against the
      strong. The developing countries were attracted due to the provisions banning unilateral
      measures. Finally, and perhaps most important, many countries at the Uruguay Round
      came to put a higher priority on the export gains than on the import losses that the
      negotiation would produce, and they came to associate the WTO and a rule-based
      system with those gains. This reasoning – replicated in many countries – was contained
      in U. S. Ambassador Kantor’s defence of the WTO, and it announced to a recognition
      that international trade and its benefits cannot be enjoyed unless trading nations accept
      the discipline of a negotiated rule-based environment. A second factor in the creation of
      the WTO was pressure from lawyers and the legal process. The dispute settlement
      system of the WTO was seen as a victory of legalists but the matter went deeper than
      that. The GATT, and the WTO, are contract organizations based on rules, and it is
      inevitable that an organization creating a further rule will in turn be influenced by legal
      process. Robert Hudee has written of the ‘momentum of legal development’, but what is
      this precisely? Legal development can be defined as promotion of the technical legal
      values of consistency, clarity (or certainty) and effectiveness; these are values that those
      responsible for administering any legal system will seek to maximize. As it played out in
      the WTO, consistency meant integrating under one roof the whole lot of separate
      agreements signed under GATT auspices; clarity meant removing ambiguities about the
      powers of contracting parties to make certain decisions or to undertake waivers; and
      effectiveness meant eliminating exceptions arising out of grandfather-rights and
      resolving defects in dispute settlement procedures and institutional provisions. Concern
      for these values is inherent in any rule-based system of co-operation, since without these
      value rules would be meaningless in the first place, therefore, create their own incentive
      for fulfilment. The moment of legal development has occurred in other institutions
      besides the GATT, most notably in the European Union (EU). Over the past two decades
      the European Court of Justice (ECJ) has consistently rendered decisions that have
      expanded incrementally the EU’s internal market, in which the doctrine of ‘mutual
      recognition’ handed down in Cassis de Dijon case in 1979 was a key turning point. The
      court is now widely recognized as a major player in European integration, even though
      arguably such a strong role was not originally envisaged in the Treaty of Rome, which
      initiated the current European Union. One means the Court used to expand integration
      was the ‘teleological method of interpretation’, whereby the actions of member states
      were evaluated against ‘the accomplishment of the most elementary goals set forth in the
      Preamble to the (Rome) treaty. The teleological method represents an effort to keep
      current policies consistent with slated goals, and it is analogous to the effort in GATT to
      keep contracting party trade practices consistent with slated rules. In both cases legal
      concerns and procedures are an independent force for further co-operation.
      In the large part the WTO was an exercise in consolidation. In the context of a trade
      negotiation that created a near-revolutionary expansion of international trade rules, the
      formation of the WTO was a deeply conservative act needed to ensure that the benefits
      of the new rules would not be lost. The WTO was all about institutional structure and
      dispute settlement: these are the concerns of conservatives and not revolutionaries, that
      is why lawyers and legalists took the lead on these issues. The WTO codified the GATT
      institutional practice that had developed by custom over three decades, and it
      incorporated a new dispute settlement system that was necessary to keep both old and
      new rules from becoming a sham. Both the international structure and the dispute
      settlement system were necessary to preserve and enhance the integrity of the
      multilateral trade regime that had been built incrementally from the 1940s to the 1990s.

      In the method of interpretation of the European Court of Justice:



        4.  

        There is a fairly universal sentiment that the use of nuclear weapons is clearly contrary to
        morality and that its production probably so, does not go far enough. These activities are
        not only opposed to morality but also to law if the legal objection can be added to the moral,
        the argument against the use and the manufacture of these weapons will considerably be
        reinforced. Now the time is ripe to evaluate the responsibility of scientists who knowingly
        use their expertise for the construction of such weapons, which has deleterious effect on
        mankind.
        To this must be added the fact that more than 50 percent of the skilled scientific manpower in
        the world is now engaged in the armaments industry. How appropriate it is that all this
        valuable skill should be devoted to the manufacture of weapons of death in a world of
        poverty is a question that must touch the scientific conscience.
        A meeting of biologists on the Long-Term Worldwide Biological consequences of nuclear war
        added frightening dimension to those forecasts. Its report suggested that the long
        biological effects resulting from climatic changes may at least be as serious as the immediate
        ones. Sub-freezing temperatures, low light levels, and high doses of ionizing and ultraviolet
        radiation extending for many months after a large-scale nuclear war could destroy the
        biological support system of civilization, at least in the Northern Hemisphere.
        Productivity in natural and agricultural ecosystems could be severely restricted for a year or
        more. Post war survivors would face starvation as well as freezing
        conditions in the dark and be exposed to near lethal doses of radiation. If, as now seems
        possible, the Southern Hemisphere were affected also, global disruption of the biosphere
        could ensue. In any event, there would be severe consequences, even in the areas not
        affected directly, because of the inter- dependence of the world economy. In either case
        the extinction of a large fraction of the earth's animals, plants and microorganism seems
        possible. The population size of Homo sapiens conceivably could be reduced to prehistoric
        levels or below, and extinction of the human species itself cannot be excluded.
        The author's most important objective of writing the above passage seems to



          5.  

          There is a fairly universal sentiment that the use of nuclear weapons is clearly contrary to
          morality and that its production probably so, does not go far enough. These activities are
          not only opposed to morality but also to law if the legal objection can be added to the moral,
          the argument against the use and the manufacture of these weapons will considerably be
          reinforced. Now the time is ripe to evaluate the responsibility of scientists who knowingly
          use their expertise for the construction of such weapons, which has deleterious effect on
          mankind.
          To this must be added the fact that more than 50 percent of the skilled scientific manpower in
          the world is now engaged in the armaments industry. How appropriate it is that all this
          valuable skill should be devoted to the manufacture of weapons of death in a world of
          poverty is a question that must touch the scientific conscience.
          A meeting of biologists on the Long-Term Worldwide Biological consequences of nuclear war
          added frightening dimension to those forecasts. Its report suggested that the long
          biological effects resulting from climatic changes may at least be as serious as the immediate
          ones. Sub-freezing temperatures, low light levels, and high doses of ionizing and ultraviolet
          radiation extending for many months after a large-scale nuclear war could destroy the
          biological support system of civilization, at least in the Northern Hemisphere.
          Productivity in natural and agricultural ecosystems could be severely restricted for a year or
          more. Post war survivors would face starvation as well as freezing
          conditions in the dark and be exposed to near lethal doses of radiation. If, as now seems
          possible, the Southern Hemisphere were affected also, global disruption of the biosphere
          could ensue. In any event, there would be severe consequences, even in the areas not
          affected directly, because of the inter- dependence of the world economy. In either case
          the extinction of a large fraction of the earth's animals, plants and microorganism seems
          possible. The population size of Homo sapiens conceivably could be reduced to prehistoric
          levels or below, and extinction of the human species itself cannot be excluded.
          According to the passage, the argument on use and manufacture of nuclear weapons



            6.  

            In Manu Joseph’s debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani; is a sly, scheming Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1,000 prime numbers. The garb of satire—where almost every character cuts a sorry figure—gives the author the licence to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters—or perhaps because of it?—Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross-section of readers and critics.
            At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature—writing by Dalits about Dalit lives—has created a distinct space for itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature—and particularly in the case of African-American authors and character—these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life—and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production—have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm.

            The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers we must engage with what Dalits are writing—not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights-bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanize non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits.
            Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters— uncle Ishvar and nephew Omprakash—who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar’s father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anticolonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi’s visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the “Mahatma’s message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice,” and wiping out “the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings.” Neither in the 1940s, where the novel’s past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s—when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Omprakash, are savaged by the state—do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his ‘nationalist’ understanding of modern Indian history, Mistry seems to have not veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Premchand. Sixty years after Premchand, Mistry’s literary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics.
            Which of the following is the closest description of the central argument of this passage:



              7.  

              A passage is given with the question following it. Read the passage carefully and choose the best answer to the question followed out of the four alternatives.

              The instructor's rules were simple. Breathe through your mouth, not your nose; else the mask will fog up. Easier said than done; I got it wrong many a time. But once you fought habit and got the hang of it, the panoramic underwater world revealed itself to you with high-definition clarity.

              Led by him, I slowly peered through the mask into what till then was crystal-clear water, shimmering in the sunlight. I saw pebbles, send and my fluid shadow. I was in Nemo's Universe. Sea cucumbers, sea anemone, clown fish, star fish, sea horses, parrot fish, butterfly fish and a bevy of colourful salt water fish swam past. A shoal of canary-yellow fish did a merry dance and another with vibrant blue fish followed it. They were oblivious to the snorkelers who struggled to take in the sight of the world so beautiful, so colourful, and resist opening their mouth, beautiful in amazement; the tube would fall off!

              The writer is describing her experience of which activity?



                8.  

                In Manu Joseph’s debut novel Serious Men, the protagonist, Ayyan Mani; is a sly, scheming Dalit-Buddhist who almost gets away with passing off his partially deaf son, Adi, as a prodigy, a genius who can recite the first 1,000 prime numbers. The garb of satire—where almost every character cuts a sorry figure—gives the author the licence to offer one of the most bleak and pessimistic portrayals of urban Dalits. Despite his savage portrayal of Dalit (and female) characters—or perhaps because of it?—Serious Men has won critical appreciation from a cross-section of readers and critics.
                At a time when a formidable body of Dalit literature—writing by Dalits about Dalit lives—has created a distinct space for itself, how and why is it that a novel such as Serious Men, with its gleefully skewed portrayal of an angry Dalit man, manages to win such accolades? In American literature—and particularly in the case of African-American authors and character—these issues of representation have been debated for decades. But in India, the sustained refusal to address issues related to caste in everyday life—and the continued and unquestioned predominance of a Brahminical stranglehold over cultural production—have led us to a place where non-Dalit portrayal of Dalits in literature, cinema and art remains the norm.

                The journey of modern Dalit literature has been a difficult one. But even though it has not necessarily enjoyed the support of numbers we must engage with what Dalits are writing—not simply for reasons of authenticity, or as a concession to identity politics, but simply because of the aesthetic value of this body of writing, and for the insights it offers into the human condition. In a society that is still largely unwilling to recognize Dalits as equal, rights-bearing human beings, in a society that is inherently indifferent to the everyday violence against Dalits, in a society unwilling to share social and cultural resources equitably with Dalits unless mandated by law (as seen in the anti-reservation discourse), Dalit literature has the potential to humanize non-Dalits and sensitise them to a world into which they have no insight. But before we can understand what Dalit literature is seeking to accomplish, we need first to come to terms with the stranglehold of non-Dalit representations of Dalits.
                Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance, published 15 years ago, chronicles the travails of two Dalit characters— uncle Ishvar and nephew Omprakash—who migrate to Bombay and yet cannot escape brutality. While the present of the novel is set at the time of the Emergency, Ishvar’s father Dukhi belongs to the era of the anticolonial nationalist movement. During one of Dukhi’s visits to the town, he chances upon a meeting of the Indian National Congress, where speakers spread the “Mahatma’s message regarding the freedom struggle, the struggle for justice,” and wiping out “the disease of untouchability, ravaging us for centuries, denying dignity to our fellow human beings.” Neither in the 1940s, where the novel’s past is set, nor in the Emergency period of the 1970s—when the minds and bodies Ishvar and Omprakash, are savaged by the state—do we find any mention of a figure like BR Ambedkar or of Dalit movements. In his ‘nationalist’ understanding of modern Indian history, Mistry seems to have not veered too far from the road charted by predecessors like Mulk Raj Anand and Premchand. Sixty years after Premchand, Mistry’s literary imagination seems stuck in the empathy-realism mode, trapping Dalits in abjection. Mistry happily continues the broad stereotype of the Dalit as a passive sufferer, without consciousness of caste politics.
                The writer of this passage is critical of Rohinton Mistry’s A Fine Balance for the reason that:



                  9.  

                  When talks come to how India has done for itself in 50 years of independence, the world has nothing but praise for our success in remaining a democracy. On other front, the applause is less loud. In absolute terms, India has not done too badly, Of course, life expectancy has increased. So has literacy. Industry, which was barely a fledging, has grown tremendously, As far as agriculture is concerned, India has been transformed from a country perpetually on the edge of starvation into a success story held up for others to emulate. But these are competitive times when change is rapid, and to walk slowly when rest of the world is running is almost as bad standing still on walking backwards.

                  Compare with large chunks of what was then the developing world South Korea, Singapore, Malaysia, Thailand, Indonesia, China and what was till lately a separate Hong Kong- India has fared abysmally, It began with a far better infrastructure than most of these countries had. It suffered hardly or not at all during the Second World War It ha advantages like a English speaking elite, quality scientific manpower (including a Novel laureate and others who could be ranked according to their global competitiveness, it is tiny Singapore that figures at the top. Hong Kong is an export powerhouse. So is Taiwan. If a symbol were needed of, how far we have fallen back, note that while Korean Ceils are sold in India, no one is South Korea is rushing to by an Indian car. The reasons list themselves, Top most in economic isolationism.

                  The government discouraged imports and encouraged self-sufficiency. Whatever the aim was, the result was the creation of totally inefficient industry that failed to keep pace with global trends and, therefore, became absolutely uncompetitive. Only when the trade gates were opened a little did this become apparent. The years since then have been spent in merely trying to catch up. That the government actually sheltered it’s the years since then have been spent in merely trying to catch up. That the government actually sheltered its industrialists from foreign competition is a little strange. For in all other respects, it operated under the conviction that businessman were little more than crooks how were to be prevented from entering the most important area of the economy, how were to be hamstrung in as many ways as possible, how were to be tolerated in the same way as an in excisable wart. The high expropriator rates taxation, the licensing laws, the reservation of whole swathes of industry for the public sector, and the granting of monopolies to the public sector firms were the principle manifestations of this attitude. The government forget that before wealth could be distributed, it had to be created.

                  The government forgot that it itself could not create, but only squander wealth, Some of the manifestations of the old attitude have changed, Tax rates have fallen, Licensing has been al but abolished. And the gates of global trade have been open wide. But most of these changes were first by circumstances partly by the funds of support the public sector, leave alone expand it. Weather the attitude of the government itself, of that of more than handful of ministers, has changed, is open of question. In many other ways, however, the government has not changed one with. Business till has to negotiable a welter of negotiations. Transparency is still a longer way off. And there is no exit policy. In defending the existing policy, politicians betray and inability to see beyond their noses. A no-exit policy for labour is equivalent to a no-entry policy for new business. If one industry is not allowed to retrench labour, other industries will think a hundred times before employing new labour. In other ways, the government hurts industries.

                  Public sector monopolies like the department of telecommunications and Videsh Sanchar Nigam Ltd. make it possible for Indian business to operator only at cost several times that off their counterparts abroad. The infrastructure is in a shambles partly because it is unable to formulate a sufficiently remunerative policy for private business, and partly because it does not have the stomach to change market rates for services. After a burst of activity in the early nineties, the government id dragging its feet. At the rate it is going, it will be another fifty years before the government realizes that a pro-business policy is the best pro-people policy. By then of course, the world would have moved even father ahead.


                  The write ends the passage on a note of…..


                    10.  

                    1. Often, we passionately pursue matters that in the future appear to be contradictory to our real intention or nature; and triumph is followed by remorse or regret. There are numerous examples of such a trend in the annals of history and contemporary life.
                    2. Alfred Nobel was the son of Immanuel Nobel, an inventor who experimented extensively with explosives. Alfred too carried out research and experiments with a large range of chemicals; he found new methods to blast rocks for the construction of roads and bridges; he was engaged in the development of technology and different weapons; his life revolved around rockets and cannons and gun powder. The ingenuity of the scientist brought him enough wealth to buy the Bofors armament plant in Sweden.
                    3. Paradoxically, Nobel's life was a busy one yet he was lonely; and as he grew older, he began suffering from guilt of having invented the dynamite that was being used for destructive purposes. He set aside a huge part of his wealth to institute Nobel Prizes. Besides honouring men and women for their extraordinary achievements in physics, chemistry, medicine and literature, he wished to honour people who worked for the promotion of peace.
                    4. It's strange that the very man whose name was closely connected with explosives and inventions that helped in waging wars willed a large part of his earnings for the people who work for the promotion of peace and the benefit of mankind. The Nobel Peace Prize is intended f or a person who has accomplished the best work for fratern ty among nations, for abolition or reduction of war and for promotion of peace. 5. Another example that comes to one's mind is that of Albert Einstein. In 1939, fearing that the Nazis would win the race to build the world's first atomic bomb, Einstein urged President Franklin D Roosevelt to launch an American programme on nuclear research. The matter was considered and a project called the Manhattan Project was initiated. The project involved intense nuclear research the construction of the world's first atomic bomb. All this while, Einstein had the impression that the bomb would be used to protect the world from the Nazis. But in 1945, when Hiroshima was bombed to end World War II, Einstein was deeply grieved and he regretted his endorsement of the need for nuclear research. 6. He also stated that had he known that the Germans would be unsuccessful in making the atomic bomb, he would have probably never recommended making one. In 1947, Einstein began working for the cause of disarmament. But, Einstein's name still continues to be linked with the bomb. Man's fluctuating thoughts, changing opinions, varying opportunities keep the mind in a state of flux. Hence, the paradox of life: it's certain t hat nothing is certain in life.

                     Einstein had the impression that the Germans would __________.



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